Dr. Susan Pierson Ellingson received a Centennial Scholars' Grant in 1998 to research comparisons between children's drawings in Namibia and the United States.  She worked with students Marisa Asmus and Anna Pletscher over the 1998-99 academic year.

What Can Be Learned from Children's Drawings in Namibia:
A Comparison of Children's Artistic Development across Cultures

Dr. Susan Pierson Ellingson
Marisa Asmus
Anna Pletscher

The aim of this study is to compare children's artistic development and sources of imagery across cultures. The children's drawings will also shed light on the Namibian culture, values, and education. For the purpose of this study, culture is defined as constantly changing "transmitted patterns of values, beliefs, and ideas influencing human behavior and the objects produced by this learned behavior" (Newton and Kantner, 1997). Children's drawings of human figures and landscapes were collected from public school students in two different regions of Namibia: the nonindustrialized region of Owamboland and the industrialized region of Katutura and Khomasdal.

The aim of this study is to compare children's artistic development and sources of imagery across cultures. The children's drawings will also shed light on the Namibian culture, values, and education. For the purpose of this study, culture is defined as constantly changing "transmitted patterns of values, beliefs, and ideas influencing human behavior and the objects produced by this learned behavior" (Newton and Kantner, 1997). Children's drawings of human figures and landscapes were collected from public school students in two different regions of Namibia: the nonindustrialized region of Owamboland and the industrialized region of Katutura and Khomasdal.

Although the theories of several researchers were considered, this study will narrow its focus to the question of whether Lowenfeld's and Brittain's (1987) developmental stages of art, which were normed with children in Western countries, hold true for children in the Namibian settings. The work of Lowenfeld and Brittain is used as a frame of reference as it has greatly influenced art educators' understanding of how children develop artistically. Kindler (1997) and Freedman (1997) caution that stage by age models of artistic development are deficient because they do not consider the socio-cultural context. In response, this study places importance on understanding the Namibian contexts in which the drawings were done. Efforts were made to learn about the two settings before the drawings were coded and analyzed so as to avoid stereotyping cultures or depicting one culture as better than another. This study will also consider what specific local conventions, or characteristic local forms, Namibian children use for drawing schools, houses, and human figures (Andersson, 1995b).

Theories about Developmental Stages of Children’s Art

Drawing is a natural form of expression for children. Starting at about age two, children develop a unique symbol system for drawing which they use to communicate visually. Children progress through identifiable stages of development in drawing (Lowenfeld and Brittain, 1987; Kellogg, 1970; Gardner, 1980; Lindstrom, 1964) which are affected by cultural and individual differences (Atkinson, 1991; Brown, 1990; Wilson & Wilson, 1979; Court, 1989; Andersson, 1995a. b. c.; Kindler & Darras, 1997; Freedman, 1997; Atkinson, 1991).

Victor Lowenfeld's developmental stages of children's art will serve as the norm for assessing the Namibian drawings in this study. Lowenfeld was an educator from Vienna who moved to the USA in 1938. He worked with countless Western children and their drawings. Many of his findings were published from the late 1930's to the 1950's. He died in 1960, but since then W. Lambert Brittain of Cornell University in New York has furthered Lowenfeld's efforts. Lowenfeld and Brittain (1987) describe the scribbling stage, ages two to four, as beginning with disordered scribble marks which progress into more controlled scribbles. Later, the scribbles evolve into objects that start to become recognizable. Lowenfeld and Brittain define the pre-schematic stage as one in which children, ages five to seven, constantly search for a symbol. Color is not used realistically and space is treated freely. Between the ages of seven to nine, Lowenfeld and Brittain categorize most children in the schematic stage. At this level they rely on set schemes for frequently drawn images and use color realistically. A base line, a real or imaginary line near the bottom of the paper on which all of the objects stand, and sky line, a strip of blue on the top of the paper, are used most often to represent space. In the dawning realism stage, ages nine to eleven, children tend to be more self-conscious about what they draw. Children desire to draw realistically and are easily frustrated if the images do not look the way they intend them to. Perspective is introduced into the spatial representation. Detail and design receive more attention, particularly in clothing. In the age of reasoning, ages twelve to fourteen, adolescents become aware of the shortcomings in their art. They develop a greater awareness of their environment, use much detail in their work, and pay special attention to differences between males and females. The final stage Lowenfeld and Brittain identify is the period of decision, which occurs between the ages of fourteen and seventeen. During this stage, adolescents master many forms of material, draw with much emotion, and sometimes attempt to draw in a naturalistic manner. Previous studies have already drawn into question some of Lowenfeld's and Brittain's theories because they worked mainly with children in Western countries. Drawings collected from African children for the present study show Lowenfeld's and Brittain's theories to be overly restrictive. While Lowenfeld and Brittain's work is the main focus of this study, support of their theories is drawn from others.

Piaget and Inhelder (1969) also discuss drawing stages children tend to go through as they develop. Of interest to the present study are the stages of intellectual realism and visual realism. During the stage of intellectual realism, children draw what they know rather than what they see. For example, children in this stage, when shown a profile, will draw it with two eyes (what they know to be the actual number of eyes) rather than one eye (what they see). Around the age of eight or nine, children go through the stage of visual realism. During this stage, children develop the ability to draw from various perspectives. Again, the example of a profile is useful here. Children in this stage will draw the profile with one eye (what they see) rather than with two eyes (what they know). A second new development in this stage is the ability of the child to draw depth. Children realize that objects in the background appear smaller than objects in the foreground, even though they know that the buildings are not actually smaller. This new realization shows once again that children in this stage draw what they see and not what they know.

Vygotsky, (1978) a psychologist, discusses the nature of children's drawings from the perspective of a socioculturalist. Using this approach, he looks at children's higher mental development paying special attention to the context. Vygotsky asserts that the intellectual stage of a child can be shown through the concrete signs they use in their drawings, writings, and readings. Vygotsky claims that children's first scribbles are not drawings but gestures; children do not draw exact representations of what they see but instead draw general symbols. For example, when Vygotsky asked a child to draw a picture of his mother, the child drew fom memory, not even looking up to see her. Vygotsky's work supports the earlier assumption that children draw what they know rather than what they see.

Another widely recognized children’s art researcher is Rhoda Kellogg. She examined approximately a million drawings done by children ages two to eight. She collected the majority of the drawings from children who attended an open daycare program in California and who represented a variety of nationalities and socioeconomic backgrounds. Kellogg also traveled all over the world making presentations. In response, over 5000 drawings were sent to her representing 30 different countries, which she included in her analyses.

Kellogg (1970) distinguishes between 20 distinct forms of scribbling. The human figure begins to emerge around scribble stage 17, usually at age four. She also makes distinctions within the human figure category. For example, at age three children draw mandaloid humans, with limbs coming out of a circular head. By age four or five, children begin to show figures balancing more realistically. She describes the human figures drawn by children ages five to seven as sexless humans, meaning that they do not show realistic anatomy. She also makes distinctions between humans with big heads (ages four to seven) and humans with pin heads (ages five to seven).

Lindstrom (1964) developed stages of artistic development which are similar to those of Lowenfeld and Brittain (1987), except that she overlaps the age ranges for her stages and has developed a few more stages. Like Lowenfeld and Brittain, Lindstrom's first stage is scribbling, from two to five years. This stage also includes drawings of some basic forms that Lowenfeld and Brittain place in the pre-schematic stage. Lindstrom's next stage bridges the gap between the pre-schematic drawings and schematic drawings of Lowenfeld and Brittain. In the "use of repertory for developing formulae" stage (ages four through six), children develop schema either on their own or by copying adults' drawings. Next, she places children ages five through eight in the "whatever can be thought of can be pictured" stage. Here children draw uninhibitedly, combining schema to make anything that they can imagine, similar to Lowenfeld's and Brittain's schematic stage. She bridges the gap to Lowenfeld's and Brittain’s dawning realism stage with the "development of possibilities within the schematic mode" stage, which encompasses ages seven through ten. Children in this stage typically enjoy drawing one or two favorite subjects and begin to draw people moving, realistic color, background, overlapping, and sky that meets the ground. However, they still often use a base line and do not yet use perspective. Lindstrom's last stage, "dissatisfaction with limitations of the schematic mode", includes children ages eight to twelve and contains characteristics of Lowenfeld's and Brittain's dawning realism stage. Boys in this stage often include machinery or rough, manly men for boys; girls draw horses or people with small bodies and large, "stupid" faces; and both draw landscapes. Because children in this stage often feel inadequate with their drawing ability, Lindstrom stresses that they need a lot of guidance and direction.

Another child development expert who developed stages of artistic development is Howard Gardner (1980). He focuses mainly on younger children, up to age six. Once again, his first stage is scribbling, but he only includes drawings in which children have very little control over their movements in this stage. His next stage, geometric forms, begins at age three and includes mandalas (circles with lines radiating from the center) and other simple forms, which children now name. As children move through this stage, they begin to superimpose and overlap forms, just as children in Lowenfeld's dawning realism stage begin to overlap more sophisticated images after they learn to draw them. Gardner's last stage, tadpoles, has parallels to Lowenfeld's pre-schematic stage. Here drawings begin to look like real objects, and torsoless "tadpole" figures become common. As children in this stage mature, their drawings gradually become more life-like and schema begin to develop.

How do children learn to draw the schema that Lowenfeld, Piaget and Inhelder, Gardner, Kellogg, and Lindstrom all observe? Wilson and Wilson (1977) and Newton and Kantner (1997) claim that children learn to draw by copying other artists, typically older children, adults, and the popular media. Inventing new ways of drawing something is very rare. In an earlier study, Haward (1956) found that as contact with Western culture increases, African children's tendency to draw figures in a Westernized manner increases. The children copy drawing style from the media that they are exposed to. The Wilsons compare drawings to words, in that they are both signs of objects. Just as a child will never learn to say the word "cloud" by studying a cloud but never hearing the word spoken, a child will never learn to draw a cloud by studying a cloud but never seeing a cloud drawn on paper. By observing how others draw objects, children gain a general idea of how to draw those objects and develop separate programs for each object. At a young age, they have only a few programs, which appear as schema. As their drawing ability matures, however, people may develop several hundred drawing programs and learn to make minor modifications to their programs, so that some very skilled artists can make an almost unlimited variety of images. Imitating others is an essential element for learning to draw.

While stage theories have guided our understanding of children's artistic development for several decades, there is an increasing number of researchers who raise concerns about the appropriateness of stage and stress the need for a revised conceptualization of artistic development theories (Court, 1989; Andersson, 1995; Kindler, 1997; Wilson, 1997; Freedman, 1997).

Kindler (1997) observes a change of focus in looking at child development in art. Rather than dismissing a lack of conformity to the Western-culture specific interpretation of linear artistic development, the new focus attempts to describe and account for variations. The new focus accepts revision of some long-accepted theories as a result of changing contexts and reinterpretations of the concepts behind them. To move beyond these frames of reference takes a conscious effort and openness to new ways of operating. Newton and Kantner (1997) suggest that developmental theories developed in one specific culture are not false, but inaccurate and in need of broadening. This study will continue to look for meaningful ways to broaden and expand Lowenfeld's and Brittain's theories by incorporating insights from other theorists and from the analyses of the Namibian drawings.

The drawings done for this study are based on the "See Me, Share My World" project. Warren (1992) states that the primary goal of the project is to introduce American third through sixth graders to their peers in nonindustrialized countries, such as Sierra Leone. The unit is designed to be flexible and adaptable to different grade-level requirements. It encourages students to respond in writing to pictures they draw or view, which illustrate personal images of people and their homes using the following universal themes:

Themes Motivating Questions

1. Global Kinship Where do you live?

2. Food What do you eat?

3. Education Who teaches you? Where do you learn?

4. Health What keeps you healthy?

5. Work How do you work?

6. Fun (Games/Festivals) How do you have fun?

The first theme, global kinship, addresses differences between industrialized and nonindustrialized countries, discusses common experiences among children, and identifies local-global connections. The second theme, food, looks at the production and distribution of staple foods, diet, and causes of hunger. Education, the third theme, examines access to education, literacy and learning outside of the school classroom. Health, the fourth theme, highlights connections between the environment and health. Theme five, work, looks at the role of children's work in rural and urban families. The final theme, fun, lets students celebrate the universality and diversity of games and festivals. Three of the themes were used in gathering drawings for this study: global kinship (where I live), education (school), and fun (games/festivals).

Gentle (1981) and Henderson (1978) provide further support for the selected themes by asserting that personal ideas, experiences, and play are great forces that motivate children. The chosen themes for this study are all relevant to the participants because they are based on their everyday lives.

Guidelines for Cross-cultural Research

Others who have studied children’s art from non-Western cultures add insights. Court (1989), who conducted three art education studies of drawings in Kenya, recommends that art work should be considered as a whole; every part contributes to its meaning. Considerable information about the context and the artistic ability of the artist is required before attaching significance to art work. Newton and Kantner (1997) add that studies must consider both the items (objective elements) that drawings include and the values, roles, and attributes of a culture (subjective elements) that drawings convey. Addressing the use of drawing in research, Court (1989) highlights the interactive relationship between the purpose of a study and the procedures for collection and assessment of drawings. Court stresses the importance of understanding the artistic and educational role of drawing in the culture under investigation. She asserts that, after infancy, change in drawing performance is related more to social and cultural influences, such as sources of imagery and the opportunity to draw, than it is to natural factors such as ability or age. The present study looks at subjective cultural elements in an attempt to understand the whole drawing. Court also believes that being open and responsive to the data and letting the drawings 'speak' for themselves is crucial. For example, she found that in the drawings of most Kenyan children, human figures were not the most dominant subject matter. She found that one group of school children's drawings of human figures were very similar in structure and detail, which led her to conclude that the children experienced overly directive teaching methods. Court asserts that more cross-cultural studies, free from the bias of dominant interest in Western art, are essential. Newton and Kantner (1997) also stress the importance of cross-cultural studies, claiming that this type of research helps people investigate diverse cultures as well as examine the role of art in multi-cultural education. Cross-cultural research must look for universal similarities as well as cultural differences. A major reconsideration of the drawing development process including cultural considerations is necessary.

Because human figures are not as common or prominent in Kenyan children's drawings as they are in Western children's drawings, Court (1989) believes that whole drawings of various subject matters need to be analyzed, rather than just drawings of a person. Analyzing the whole drawing reveals the organization, arrangement of imagery, and perspectives that a child uses. Miljkovitch (1979) had participants complete drawings of a village as opposed to drawings of a person because he wanted to study the relationships among concepts that the participants used. The present study takes great care to analyze the whole drawing, including figure representation, space representation, and color. Additionally, allowing limited choice of subject matter reveals what is important to children in a certain culture and reveals what sources of graphic imagery (drawn images they commonly see and know how to draw) are available. Furthermore, the present study limits the children's subject to matter to one of six specific themes.

Sven Andersson (1995a), of Sweden, also worked with drawings by African children to determine whether Western clinical norms for children's human figure drawings are universally applicable and whether children's human figure drawings reflect different cultural values. He asked fifth graders from Tanzania, a refugee settlement of the African National Congress (ANC) and Sweden to draw their future families. Cultural variations were found in spatial relationships and pictorial focus. In addition, he found that Tanzanian children emphasized the people in their pictures by overlapping them, decorating them, and simply drawing more children, while Swedish children emphasized objects. The ANC refugee children's drawings were in between the Tanzanian and the Swedish children in regard to focus on people versus objects, overlap, decoration, and the number of people drawn. Andersson believes that these differences in emphases are consistent with findings that Western families are child-centered and stress independence and objects whereas Tanzanian families are respect-oriented and stress relationships and people. Andersson found cultural similarities in the emphasis placed on same-sex figures in the children's drawings from all three contexts. For example, girls are more likely to draw female figures and boys are more apt to draw male figures.

In another study, Andersson (1995b) analyzed local conventions in children's drawings in three different cultures, Tanzania, a refugee settlement of the ANC, and Sweden. He found that children in the two African settings use the same specific local drawing conventions for drawing buildings in nonrepresentational ways. They often draw windows in the corners of the houses even though houses are not actually made in that manner. Children's drawings vary in use of local conventions in their pictorial environment. Theoretically, children's drawings are socioculturally influenced. In other words, interpersonal relationships and different cultural settings influence children's drawings, so studying children's drawing in a culturally free manner is not possible (Andersson, 1995a, 1995b, 1995c; Court, 1989). Thus, Andersson's findings support sociocultural models of children's drawing. The drawings done by the African children deviate from "realism" in ways that contradict traditional representational models of children's drawing. Andersson (1995b) also looked at the way children from Tanzania, the ANC refugee settlement, and Sweden use x-ray strategies in their drawings. When children use x-ray techniques in their drawings, they draw objects that are normally blocked from view. For example, when a child draws a house he or she may include the inside of the house, which is usually hidden behind a wall, as well as the outside of the house. In his study Andersson found that about half of the Tanzanian children and half of the girls from the ANC settlement use x-ray strategies in their drawings. Andersson (1995b) calls for further studies on the relationship between the phenomenon of local conventions in children's drawings and existing graphic models in a specific culture. This study addresses local conventions.

MacGregor (1997) cautions that economic differences and access to materials must also be considered when analyzing children's drawings. Brown (1994) asserts that some children draw what they are taught to draw instead of what they would typically think of drawing. In summary, researchers need to consider many factors when analyzing children's art from across cultures. For the present study, a questionnaire was developed to gather information about various factors such as the setting, access to art materials, access to picture books and the media, and frequency of art classes. This information was considered in the analysis of the drawings.

Understanding the Namibian Context

As Court (1989) recommended, this study sought to better understand the local art context, through several conversations with area teachers and people involved in the Namibian art scene. Some of them were shown a selection of the gathered drawings and then asked to share insights and discuss whether the images were typical for the Namibian context. An art education inservice for local educators was also attended to gain insights.

A historical context of art education by Mtota (1997) and Midbjer (1992) revealed that drawing has not been a part of the culture in Namibia and thus children have a limited exposure to drawing and to Western art images. Financial restrictions have limited art education as producing art can be expensive and many schools operate with very limited funds. Several art education approaches in Namibia's history help explain the current context. The mission-sponsored schools during the colonial days aimed to educate laborers. Instruction was offered in local arts and crafts and handiwork; art had a negative connotation. Mtota (1992) provided examples of projects: boys learned to make hats and huts while girls learned basketry and knitting. Clay work was done by both boys and girls. The Bantu education, initiated in 1953 during the apartheid years, also focused on arts and crafts for the black population. Art classes were offered in the Old Location during the 1950s and some of the participants entered international art competitions, but the effort was not sustained. During the 1960s educators attempted to offer art classes in which the participants made objects out of garbage. Midbjer (1992) described the education under apartheid. Education and teacher training was separate for white, black and colored. The Owamboland region, which was mainly black, was the most populated area of Namibia and had few and overcrowded schools. The apartheid system resulted in high illiteracy rates in the African population and vast numbers of unqualified teachers. Education throughout Namibia has been based on rote learning of textbooks, but government is now encouraging more active learning. Formal education is valued because it is thought to lead to a better job that does not require manual labor.

Some of the art educators interviewed for this study referred to Namibian's recent history and its effects on the status of art education in the country. They speculate that local culture has been overpowered by the western market, so there was and is a lack of accessible local, cultural art forms for teachers to use in their classrooms. Younger Namibians are largely ignorant about their culture because they sense that it is not relevant to the status quo. Nora Schimming-Chase, an active participant in the resistance to the forced move from the Old Location, asserts that so much effort was put in to the liberation struggle in the years prior to Namibia's independence that there was little time to focus on the arts and culture. She urges the younger population to take pride in their heritage and culture and she also encourages them to express themselves though the arts.

Cathy McRoberts, lecturer in Art Education, Visual Arts Department at the University of Namibia since 1991, refers to many of her beginning students at UNAM as virgins in that they have not had education in art prior to their schooling at UNAM. They have limited experience in two-dimensional art but are very advanced with some three dimensional media such as clay. She also said they make very fast progress once they learn basic art concepts.

A variety of sources provide insights into how art is currently taught in Namibian public schools. Mtota (1997) describes the Ministry of Education and Culture's efforts since 1990 independence and reports inclusion of arts education is a significant part of the educational reform efforts. Curriculum panels were established to develop subject syllabi. Midbjer (1992) interviewed teachers in five primary schools in Owamboland and reported overly directive teaching methods for art. Some teachers demonstrated for their students on the board how to draw subjects such as trees, flowers, animals and buildings, which the students were then to copy into their books as the teacher walked around and corrected them. Other teachers asked students to copy drawings seen in books. Many teachers advocated the use of rulers in all drawings. In addition, some teachers taught their students to draw houses or schools with corner windows, which will be addressed elsewhere in this paper as local conventions. Students rarely were allowed to choose the subject they wanted to draw about. No distinction was made between art and craft. For example, copying teacher drawings, sewing, and knitting were all referred to as art. Despite their outdated methods of art education, the teachers that Midbjer interviewed were interested in learning more about teaching art, open to suggestions, and positive about changes. This researcher found examples of art teaching similar to what Midbjer described; but, in contrast, she also found teachers who allowed children to come up with their own ideas for drawing. Most teachers and principals interviewed for this study reported that art is a part of the school curriculum once or twice weekly. Teachers expressed their own lack of art education, ability, and confidence to teach art. A shortage of art materials was also a common problem. However, Midbjer states that some teachers had enough pencils, but did not let the children use them because they did not want to lose them. One of the Peace Corps teacher trainers interviewed for this study also reported the "false shortage" of pencils in some of the nonindustrial schools involved in this study. Teachers were so accustomed to a shortage of materials that they were nervous about using the supplies on the storage shelves, just in case no more could be purchased.

No teachers interviewed for this study mentioned use of the recently developed national art curriculum. However, several teachers were eager to learn more about art education. Efforts to distribute the curriculum, and to instruct the teachers in its use, need to continue.
 
 

Participants and Setting

There were 635 students in grades one to six in Namibian public schools selected to draw human figures and landscapes based on the themes used in Warren’s (1992) "See Me, Share My World" study. Two different Namibian settings were used: an urban, industrialized setting (Katutura and Khomasdal), and a nonindustrialized, rural setting (Owamboland). This researcher worked directly with all of the 296 children in the industrialized region and over half of the 339 children in the Owamboland region.

Gathering the Drawings

Selected classrooms of students in grades one through six from public schools near Moorhead, Minnesota were asked to draw according to the universal themes outlined in the Warren "See Me Share My World" project described earlier.

The drawings collected from students in the United States were shown to students in similar grade levels in Namibian public schools. The Namibian students were then asked to complete a drawing on the same themes. The older grades were asked to write about their drawings and the lower grades told a trained adult about their drawing so the children's comments could be recorded. All students were asked to write their names, age, gender, grade level, and school on the back upper right hand corner of the drawings.

In the industrialized setting, schools were visited in advance to ensure their permission for the project. Usually, at least three classrooms per school, preferably at different levels, were selected to participate. This researcher and three research assistants, University of Namibia (UNAM) Post Graduate Diploma in Education (PGDE) students, spent about an hour in each classroom presenting the lesson and waiting for the children to finish their drawings. The UNAM research assistant translated the presentation and helped to translate and record the younger students’ comments about their completed drawings. The classroom teacher was also asked to help with translating the lesson and recording student comments.

In the nonindustrialized region, this researcher gathered the drawings by visiting seven classrooms. For the other rural classrooms guidelines were given to Peace Corps teacher trainers in Owamboland who then went out to a classroom in their assigned area. These guidelines were very similar to those used in the industrialized setting but a few revisions were made after reviewing the research design with Tamari Nduaguibe, the Programming Assistant in the Owamboland region for the United States of America Peace Corps in 1997. One revision was to translate the suggested motivating questions into two different mother tongues used in the Owamboland region: Oshikwanyama and Oshindonga. Associate Peace Corps Director, Neshani Andreas, can be credited for the translations.

Nduaguibe presented the guidelines to the Peace Corp teacher trainers at one of their regional inservice gatherings in February of 1997. The teacher trainers were invited to participate, on a voluntary basis, and were given all the necessary materials: printed directions for gathering the drawings, a questionnaire, drawing paper, addressed and stamped return mailing envelopes, and crayons.

Instruments and Materials

A questionnaire was also developed to gather information on the status of art education and the conditions under which the drawings were done in each of the classrooms visited. This researcher or the Peace Corp teacher trainers interviewed the classroom teacher to complete the questionnaire.

Paper for drawing and written comments was provided by this researcher. Students were asked to use crayons or colored pencils provided by the school or this researcher. Written comments about the completed drawings were done on the backs of the drawings or on a separate piece of paper and attached to the drawings. Drawings were gathered in March and April of 1997.

Coding

A preliminary or pilot study was carried out while the primary investigator was a Fulbright scholar in Namibia. Drawings were coded and analyzed while still in Namibia so that the results could be presented to experts in the country and feedback could be incorporated into the revised study.

Before beginning the coding process for the current study in May of 1998, the chief investigator and the two student co-inquirers: Marisa Asmus and Anna Pletscher, enriched their understanding of the Namibian context in which the drawings were done by studying photographs of the Namibian schools and regions where the drawings were completed and reading literature about Namibia. They also spent a day with Amy Sorenson, who worked for two years as a Peace Corp teacher trainer in the nonindustrialized region of Namibia at the time the drawings were gathered; Amy was also instrumental in gathering the drawings. The researchers and Sorenson looked through several of the drawings from schools where Sorenson worked. The three researchers also reviewed literature on children’s development in art, as outlined previously.

The investigators then designed the current code book and coding sheets based on the pilot study, the review of the literature, and the research questions. Coding began with some basic identification of independent variables: theme, age, gender, grade, school, and region. In order to keep the research manageable and more reliable, the dependent variables were mainly limited to Lowenfeld’s and Brittain’s (1987) theories about developmental stages: representation of human figure, representation of space, and representation of color. Additional dependent variables were related to local drawing conventions: use of human figure profiles, depiction of corner windows, and use of rulers. Written and specific criteria were established for each rating code. (See Appendix A for Code Book.)

The first step of the actual coding was to give each drawing an identification number. The drawings were then coded by this researcher and the two student co-inquirers. In order to establish agreement on the numbers assigned to each variable, the three coders went through several drawings together and thoroughly discussed the numbers assigned to each variable. Then areas of expertise were assigned to each of the co-inquirers who were responsible for coding about half the variables for each drawing. The chief investigator coded all the variables on the drawings assigned to her in order to serve as a reliability check for the other raters. Any uncertain aspects of specific drawings were discussed with one or both of the other raters so as to come to common agreement. Coding the drawings of the first graders was often challenging because what they were intending to draw was not always clear.

Inter-rater Reliability

Three independent coders were familiarized with the code book and then asked to independently assess a sample of drawings (every fifth drawing from a grade level in each region. Overall agreement between the coders was 94%. The breakdown for the various categories of dependent variables rounded off to the nearest percent is as follows:

Representation of Human Figure

type of human figure 98%, difference between male/female 86%, figure schema 90%, figure profile 90%, inclusion of hair 97%, clothes, 84%, figures depict action 78%, limbs 93%, interaction between figures 97%, facial expressions 93%, use of sketching technique 98%, cartoon 100%, satire 100%;

Representation of Space

paper turned 98%, proportion 81%, distortion of size 97%, base line 97%, sky line 98%, perspective 95%, overlap, 93%, more than one perspective 93%, x-ray/transparency 95%, environment 97%, objects interact 93%, depth/size 84%;

Representation of Color 84%;

Representation of Design/Decoration 91%;

Local Drawing Conventions

object schema 86%, corner windows 93%, open windows 97 %, ruler use 95%, stylized tree 90%.

Analysis

Due to the large number of drawings and variables, the researchers decided to use the quantitative measures of the SPSS package for chi-square testing. The strength of the statistical analysis was increased by experimenting with the grouping of the variables. Contextual understanding of Namibian regions also enriched the interpretation of the statistical analysis.

Limitations

In conducting cross-cultural research, limitations arise. Children may have been influenced by their classmates in choosing subject matter for their drawings as students commonly sat two to a desk and desks were close together because class sizes averaged 30-40 students. While children were encouraged to be unique and individual in their drawings, evidence of copying pictures or ideas was found. For example, only one class had drawings with horses. In another class several children drew two school buildings similarly placed on the paper. Groups of students in a few classrooms drew what appeared to be apple trees even though apples do not grow in Namibia. This may also have been due to drawing instruction that the students received in their class.

In a few of the nonindustrialized region schools there was evidence of what Court (1989) referred to as overly directive teaching. For example, in one class the teacher said she had taught the students how to draw schools the previous week. Not surprisingly, the majority of the children in that class drew similar pictures of schools.

Not all the children were fluent in speaking and understanding English so their understanding of the motivation for drawing or their description of their completed drawing may have been limited. Several attempts to accommodate possible communication barriers were made. Some of the classroom teachers translated the motivational presentation and recorded what the students said about their drawings. Research assistants, fluent in the language of the students, accompanied the chief investigator to some of the classrooms. In one school, younger students were paired with older students who could write down what they said about their completed drawings. For the drawings gathered in the nonindustrialized region, the motivational questions were translated into the mother tongues of the students and included in the written directions used by the Peace Corps teacher trainers.

As with all visual imagery, different interpretations of drawings are possible. One coder might look at a drawing and interpret the subject matter in a slightly different manner than another coder. The coders worked in the same room so that questions or uncertainties could be discussed. The primary emphasis for analysis was on visual communication, the drawings themselves. Atkinson (1991) cautions adults against trying to fully interpret children’s art as only the child who draws a picture really knows what the a picture is trying to tell its audience. More written communication about the drawings gathered for this study would have been helpful. Also, only one drawing per child was gathered so interpretations and analysis were limited to that drawing. Had there been several drawings and more written communication gathered from each child, determining more about certain variables such as schemas and relationships of objects to each other may have been easier. With these limitations in mind, the analysis of the Namibian drawings was done with a sense of humility.
 
 

One of the key aims of this study was to investigate the extent to which Lowenfeld's and Brittain's (1987) developmental stages in art, which were normed in Western countries, hold true for two different Namibian settings: industrialized and nonindustrialized. Drawings were gathered from students in grades one, two, three, four and six in Namibian public schools in Katutura, Khomasdal, and Owamboland. Common variables were identified from Lowenfeld's and Brittain's characteristics of the various stages: representation of human figure, representation of space, and representation of color and design. Local drawing conventions, or learned techniques for drawing certain objects, were also identified: figure facing viewer with head in profile, corner windows, and use of rulers.

I. Representation of Human Figures

Figure Schema

In analysis of the representation of human figures, one variable examined was the use of figure schema. Figure schema refers to a set way to draw the human figure, which of course varied from child to child. In order to be coded for figure schema, a drawing must have included at least two figures. This study made a distinction between "pure schema," in which the child drew all figures mostly the same, and "some or partial schema," in which the child either used a schema just for heads or just for bodies or included more than one schema in his or her drawing.

Comparisons within Region

While Lowenfeld and Brittain (1987) state that children in the schematic stage (ages seven to nine) use schema more often than children in any other stage, this study found no significant difference between use of figure schema among age groups in either region. Children age seven and younger did use "pure schema" slightly more than children in other age groups: 34 percent of children seven and under used pure schema compared to 27 percent of eight- and nine-year-olds in the nonindustrialized region. In the industrialized region 38 percent of children seven and under used pure schema compared to 30 percent of eight- and nine-year-olds. There were no significant differences in figure schema representation however: N.I.: x2(6, N = 226) = 1.54, p = .95 and I: x2(6, N = 413) = 6.23, p = .39.
 

Comparisons between Regions Further analysis was done to examine differences between regions. As can be seen in Table 1, in every age group, children who lived in industrial Namibia used schema more often than did children in nonindustrialized Namibia. However the differences were not significant.

Discussion of Results - Figure SchemaThis is an important finding as it questions the theories of Lowenfeld and Brittain. There was not a clear pattern in use of figure schema by age for the Namibian children. This might be related to more limited opportunities to draw and to develop schemas for the human figure. Children may still have been experimenting with ways to draw the human figure as they seemed to take joy in depicting figures in various poses. Several teachers reported that students had limited opportunity to draw due to perceived shortages of paper and crayons.

Figure Faces Viewer or Profiled Figure

Another variable examined was whether or not the figures drawn faced the viewer. This was coded according to whether the head and body faced the viewer or some other type of profile was used in the figures depicted. Drawings were not included in the analysis if they did not include human figures or if determining whether or not the figures faced the viewer was too difficult.

Comparisons within Regions

In general, the pattern in both regions was that children drew more profiles as they increased in age until ages 12-13, when fewer profiles were drawn. The differences were significant: NI: x2 (3, N = 350) = 52.96, p < .001;

I: x2 (3, N = 417) = 62.25, p < .001 (See Table 2).
 

Comparisons between Regions

Further analysis was done to examine the use of some type of profile between regions. The differences were significant for all of the age groups. Profile use was greater in the nonidustrialized region and generally increased with age for both regions, with the exception of the 12-13 year old group in the industrialized region, which used profile was slightly less often than the 10-11 year old group.

<8 years: x2(1, N = 223) = 15.0, p < .001

8-9 years: x2(1, N = 218) = 8.69, p < .01

10-11 years: x2(1, N = 203) = 4.80, p < .05

12-13 years: x2(1, N = 123) = 12.72, p < .001.

Local Drawing Convention: Profiled Head, Body Facing Viewer

A specific local convention of drawing the head in profile and the body facing the viewer was also examined. This was not something Lowenfeld and Brittain directly addressed. According to Andersson (1995b), local convention is a term used to describe characteristic local forms used in art. Another analysis of the data revealed that there was much more frequent use of the profiled head variable in the nonindustrialized region than in the industrialized region. A total of 31 percent of the nonindustrialized children used this convention compared to less than three percent of the children in the industrialized region. The use of this drawing convention in the nonindustrialized region increased with age until the 12-13 age group when there was a slight dip as seen in Table 3: <8(18%), 8-9 (27%), 10-11 (45%), & 12-13 (31%). Chi-square analysis of the age differences in the nonindustrial region were significant: x2 (6, N = 350) = 65.28, p < .001. The pattern in the industrialized region was similar: <8 (0%), 8-9 (2%), 10-11 (8%), 12-13 (3%); x2 (6, N = 417) = 66.80, p < .001.

Comparisons between Regions

Further analysis was done to examine profile use between regions. As expected, there was a significant difference between regions for all of the age groups when comparing the direction figures face.

<8 years: x2(2, N = 223) = 23.83, p < .001

8-9 years: x2(2, N = 218) = 31.72, p < .01

10-11 years: x2(2, N = 203) = 34.28, p < .001

12-13 years: x2(2, N = 123) = 24.95, p < .001.

Discussion of Results - Figure Faces Viewer and Profile

Lowenfeld's and Brittain's (1987) theories about the direction the drawn figures face can be questioned with regard to both Namibian regions. As expected by Lowenfeld and Brittain, Namibian children up to age nine were more likely to draw the figures with head and body facing the viewer. Children ages 10 and older were more apt to draw some type of profile, either the head or the body, or both. In contrast with Lowenfeld and Brittain, however, the nonindustrial 12-13 year old age groups drew fewer profiles than the 10-11 year olds. The children living in the nonindustrialized region drew more profiles than did the children in the industrialized region. Some of the more prevalent use of profiles in the nonindustrialized region may be explained by the local drawing convention theory described in the previous paragraphs. It seems likely that the children learned how to draw the figure with the head in profile and the body facing the viewer from their teachers or other students in their schools. In addition to being a common image found in the drawings gathered for this study, others commented that they had seen the convention in other Namibian children’s drawings.

Clothing

For the drawings which included human figures, this study looked at the way clothing was depicted. First, the frequencies in which children included obvious clothes on their drawn figures were compared. Then, this study looked at the frequency in which the clothing included decoration, such as more than one color within clothing or details such as buttons or collars on clothes.

Comparisons within Regions

In nonindustrialized Namibia, 93 percent of the children drew some type of clothes. In industrialized Namibia, 75 percent of the children drew some type of clothes. In the nonindustrialized region, children included clothes on drawn figures more often as they aged. Children seven and under included clothes only 82 percent of the time, but the percentage jumped to 97 percent of children ages eight through 11. It then increased to 98 percent of 12- and 13-year olds and 100 percent of children age fourteen and older. The age related differences in depicting clothing for nonindustrialized Namibia were significant: x2(3, N = 366) = 23.5, p < .001. (See Table 4)

Children in the industrialized region also tended to include clothes more often as they aged. The differences in clothing depiction among age groups in the industrialized region were not significant, however: x2(3, N = 472) = 6.05, p = .10.
 

Comparisons between Regions

To compare age group by region another analysis was done. Although children in both regions followed a similar pattern, children in the nonindustrialized region drew clothes more frequently than did children in the industrialized region. The differences in how clothing was included by the various age groups were significant for every age group:

<8 years: x2(1, N = 231) = 8.11, p < .01

8-9 years: x2(1, N = 231) = 17.22, p < .001

10-11 years: x2(1, N = 231) = 19.94, p < .001

12-13 years: x2(1, N = 145) = 9.92, p < .01.

Discussion of Results - Clothing

According to Lowenfeld and Brittain, children should include clothing on their figures by the end of the pre-schematic stage, or at approximately the age of six or seven. In both regions, children seven and younger did, in fact, draw clothes less frequently than older children. Therefore, Lowenfeld and Brittain's theory of clothing held true for both regions of Namibia. Children in nonindustrialized Namibia included clothes on an average of 93 percent of their drawings with human figures, while children in industrialized Namibia did on only 74 percent of theirs.

II. Representation of Space

Depth

The second major category examined was representation of space. Within this category, depth, base line and sky line were coded for analysis. Depth includes the methods a child draws figures and objects to show distance. In the present research, drawings were given credit for depth if a child drew two similar objects with the one in the background smaller than the one in the foreground.

Comparisons within Regions

The nonindustrialized children increased their use of depth with age, up to the 12 and 13 year old group, whose depiction of depth dropped to 15 percent. The differences between age groups in the depiction of depth within the nonindustrialized region were not significant, however.

The industrial children also used depth more as their age increased: <8 (8%), 8-9 (19%), 10-11 (25%), 12-13 (34%). The differences in depth depicted by the various age groups in the industrialized region were significant: x 2 (3, N = 503) = 23.45, p < .001 (See Table 5).
 
 
 

Comparisons between Regions

To investigate the use of depth by age between regions, further analysis was done. The only age group that demonstrated significance was the 12 to 13 year old age group: x 2 (1, N = 157) = 5.13, p < .05. Only eight children (15%) in the nonindustrialized 12-13 age group depicted depth compared to 34 children, or 32%, of the industrialized 12-13 year olds;

12-13 years: x2(1, N = 157) = 5.13, p < .05.

Discussion of Results - Depth

Lowenfeld and Brittain (1987) assert that as children increase with age, they will also draw depth more frequently. This tendency was true for the children in the industrialized region but not for those in the nonindustrialized region. Depth is a drawing technique that can be taught or can be learned on one's own. This drawing technique apparently had not been taught to many of the Namibian students, nor had many of the students experimented with drawing enough to pick up on their own how to depict depth. Kantner and Newton (1997) cite several studies which show that children in African cultures have more difficulty observing depth in two-dimensional drawings than Chinese or Western children. They speculate that this difference is due to the fact that African children have not had as much experience interpreting clues to depth such as variation in size and overlap. In another study referring to aspects of depth, MacGregor (1997) asserted that young children simply do not want to deal with the problems of overlapping objects on paper; preschoolers can and will use overlap in computer programs, which shows that they do understand the concept. In summary, depth does not seem to be one of the main concerns for the majority of Namibian children; other features in their drawings such as design and decoration were given more importance.
 
 

Base Line

A base line is a real or imaginay line on which children line up figures and objects near the bottom of the page. For coding purposes, distinction was made between drawings with no base line and drawings with base lines.

Comparisons within Regions

Base lines were rarely depicted in the nonindustrial region. Base lines were represented in two percent of the drawings in the age groups of less than eight years and eight and nine year olds, and in two percent of the drawings done by ten and 11 year olds. Six percent of the 12 and 13 year olds included a base line.

The industrial children represented a base line much more frequently. Children younger than eight years of age used a base line in 46 percent of their drawings. The eight and nine year olds drew a base line in 29 percent of their drawings, ten and 11 year olds drew a base line 25 percent, and 12 and 13 year olds in 14 percent of their drawings. Chi-square analysis between age groups in the industrialized region demonstrated significance; x2 (3, N = 498) = 30.28, p < .001. (See Table 6).
 
 
 

Comparisons between Regions

Due to very small percentages, it was not logical to run further analysis to examine the use of base lines between the industrial and nonindustrial regions. Obviously, children from the industrialized region depict base lines more often than children from the nonindustrialized region.

Discussion of Results –Base Line

Lowenfeld and Brittain (1987) assert that children in the pre-schematic stage, usually ages four to seven, have no order in their spatial representation. The relationships are drawn according to emotional significance or personal importance, rather than according to visual realism. Children in the schematic stage, usually ages seven to nine, use the base line as the first definite space concept. Objects are placed on a line which the child sees as the ground, often facing the child, as if waiting to be seen. They are aware of being a part of the environment. Lowenfeld and Brittain (1987) refer to a study of over five thousand drawings, revealing that by six years, over half the children included a base line, and that by eight years 96 percent of the children included the base line in their drawings. Children are likely to discontinue use of the base line concept and start using overlapping when in the dawning realism stage, usually between the ages of nine to eleven. Multiple base lines are sometimes used during the dawning realism and pseudo realistic (ages 11-13) stages.

In contrast with Lowenfeld’s and Brittain’s findings, the nonindustrial children rarely included a base line. Industrial children included one much more often. This may be due to the fact that children in the industrialized region have had more opportunities to draw than the children in the nonindustrial areas. In the industrialized schools, more time was allocated for art and art materials were more available than for the schools in the nonindustrial schools. However, almost every teacher in both regions complained about the lack of art materials and several expressed they did not know procedures for teaching art.

The nonindustrial children’s drawings seemed to reveal that they did not see the world from a linear or base line perspective; instead they viewed the world from a more open or circular perspective. They saw themselves as standing inside their homestead looking out into the world. Their drawings rarely included a base line.

Sky Line

A counterpart to the base line is the sky line, a strip of blue on the top of the paper. Sky lines are also common during the schematic stage. The child identifies the space between the sky line and base line as air. Adults usually think of the sky coming down to the ground, but this is just as much of an optical illusion as the sky line/base line concept. For coding, if a child drew a cloud or a sun without the distinct line included, then the child was given credit for having an "other type" of sky.

Comparisons within Regions

For those children less than eight years of age in the nonindustrialized region sky lines were included in four percent of the drawings. The eight and nine year olds drew a sky line in five percent, ten and 11 year olds in only one percent, and those 12 and older did not show sky lines in any of their drawings.

Nonindustrialized children less than eight years represented an "other type" of sky in 11 percent of their drawings. The eight and nine year olds used an "other type" of sky in four percent of their drawings. The nine and ten year olds in three percent, the 11 and 12 year olds did not use an "other type" of sky line at all in their drawings. The age differences in use of sky were significant, x 2 (6, N = 390) = 17.27, p < .01.

For those children less than eight years in the industrial region, sky lines were depicted in 47 percent of the drawings. The eight and nine year olds used a sky line in 45 percent of their drawings, while the nine and ten year olds drew it in 49 percent of their drawings. The 11 and 12 year olds showed a sky line in 36 percent of their drawings.

For those industrialized children less than eight years old, 29 percent drew an "other type" of sky line in their drawings. The eight and nine year olds drew an "other type" of sky line in 18 percent of their drawings. The ten and 11 year olds depicted an "other type" of sky line in seven percent, the 12 and 13 year olds drew an "other type" of sky line in nine percent, while the 14 and older age group drew an "other type" of sky line in 17 percent of their drawings. Similar to the nonindustrialized region, the differences in depiction of sky line by age for the industrialized region were significant, x2 (6, N = 503) = 40.59, p < .001. (See Table 7).
 

Comparisons between Regions

To examine the differences between regions by age, further analysis was done. As mentioned earlier depiction of sky line was far more common in the industrialized region than in the nonindustrialized region. All of the sky line depiction differences were significant for each age group.

<8 years: x2 (2, N = 250) = 97.45, p < .001;

8-9 years: x2 (2, N = 242) = 70.41, p < .001;

10-11 years: x2 (2, N = 244) = 81.96, p < .001;

12-13 years: x2 (2, N = 157) = 33.22, p < .001.

Discussion of Results- Sky Line

Overall, Namibian children were more likely to include a sky line or reference to the sky than they were a base line. Industrialized region children included sky lines and base lines more often than did nonindustrialized children. Children in the industrialized region included sky lines in 44 percent of their drawings, a sun or clouds in 16 percent, and base lines in 29 percent of their drawings. Children in the nonindustrialized region drew sky lines in three percent of their drawings, sun or clouds in five percent, and base lines in three percent of their drawings. Subject matter filled the whole page in the nonindustrial region more often than in the industrialized region so there may not have been room for a sky line or base line.

The more frequent use of sky lines in the industrial area may also be related to the living conditions and what children observed outdoors. In urban areas families most often lived in rectangular structures with metal roofs. The homes were in close proximity to other dwellings in the community. Many had electricity and indoor plumbing, but not always. Half to two thirds of the children raised their hands when asked if they had access to television. In the schools where the drawings were gathered, children walked ten to sixty minutes to get to school or were dropped off by car. After school hours children played outside near their home or inside. In the rural areas the children were outside more often as they most often walked to school for up to two hours each way; and they worked outside tending crops and cattle, pounding mahango grain for food and carrying water. The kraals, or homesteads, were built in a manner which was more open to the environment and encouraged children to stay outdoors. Huts were designated for either children’s or adult’s sleeping quarters and others for grain pounding or cooking. Some homesteads had built a concrete rectangular building with up to four rooms, but still without electricity or water. Because the rural children were outside more often, they took the weather for granted and may have been less conscious of the blue sky or clouds, and may not have thought it important to represent the sky in their drawings.

III. Representation of Color

The representation of color was the third major category examined in the children's drawings. In each drawing, distinction was made between almost all representational color, moderate use of representational color, and very little use of representational in color. When coding this variable the researchers kept in mind that the Namibian children especially the nonindustrial children, might understand color in a different context than children in the USA. For example, grass might be drawn in a range of shades from green to brown. During the rainy season in Namibia grass is green, but during the dry season it is a light brown. Particular colors are actually described in reference to objects, for example red as liver or red as an apple.

Comparisons within Regions

The nonindustrial children did not use much representational color in their drawings. Percentages of children using almost all representational color were less than ten percent for all age groups. Using some representational color was more common. Children less than eight years used some representational color in 38 percent of their drawings. Children eight to nine years used some representation color in 51 percent, children 10-11 in 38 percent, and 12-13 year olds in 52 percent of their drawings. Very little to no use of representation color was used in 58 percent of the drawings by children less than eight years old, 48 percent of drawings done by eight to nine year olds, 53 percent of drawings done by 10-11 year olds, and 40 percent of the drawings done by 12-13 year olds. Chi square analysis did yield significant differences in use of color between the various age groups in the nonindustrialized region x2 (6, N=390)=12.85, p<.05.

The industrial children tended to use more representational color as they increased with age. The less than eight year old group used almost all representational color in nine percent of their drawings, some representation color in 65 percent, and none to little representational color in 27 percent of their drawings. The eight and nine year olds used almost all representational color in 27 percent of their drawings, some in 67 percent, and none to little in six percent of their drawings. The ten and 11 year olds used almost all in 40 percent of their drawings, some in 56 percent, and none to little in five percent of their drawings. The 12 and 13 year olds used almost all in 53 percent, some in 42 percent, and none to little in five percent of their drawings. Chi-square analysis revealed significant differences by age group for the industrial region: x2 (6, N = 503) = 89.7 p < .001.
 

Comparisons between Regions

To compare color use by various age groups between regions, further analysis was done. Chi-square tests demonstrated significantly more representational color in the industrialized region within all of the age groups.

<8 years: x2 (2, N = 250) = 25.77, p < .001.

8-9 years: x2 (2, N = 242) = 69.98, p < .001.

10-11 years: x2 (2, N = 244) = 78.39, p < .001.

12-13 years: x2 (2, N = 157) = 46.38, p < .001.

Discussion of Results-Color

Lowenfeld and Brittain (1987) maintain that children ages four to seven use color more according to emotional appeal, than reality. During the schematic stage, ages seven to nine, there is a definite relationship between color and object. At the dawning realism stage, ages nine to 11, Lowenfeld and Brittain found removal from the realistic or objective use of color and saw more subjective color experiences with emotionally significant objects. During the pseudo-realistic stage or stage of reasoning, ages 11-13, Lowenfeld and Brittain claim that the child may observe changes of color in nature if they are visually minded. If they are nonvisually minded they may have more of an emotional reaction to color.

Both of the Namibian regions contradicted Lowenfeld and Brittain's theories of color use patterns. The fact that children in the nonindustrial region did not use representational color very often may be due to the limited use of color crayons. Many teachers interviewed for this study commented on limited resources for art. Some said that if crayons were used in the classroom, each child was given only one crayon to use. When the children were asked to do this project, they were each given their own box of eight crayons to use. Possibly the nonindustrial children used less representational color because they were experimenting and having fun using all of the crayons. Color selection in the nonindustrial region seemed to be based more on emotional appeal than on reality.

While the industrial children used representational color more often than did the nonindustrialized region children, they also deviated from Lowenfeld and Brittain's theory about color use. In this region there was a continuous increase with the use of almost all representational color, instead of the increase and then decrease as Lowenfeld and Brittain found. However, for the category some use of representational color, the industrial children did follow trends advocated by Lowenfeld and Brittain in that the eight to nine year olds were the most likely of all the age groups to use some realistic color.

Corner Windows

A specific form of object schema examined in this study is windows. Corner windows are those drawn along the outer edges of a rectangular building.

Comparisons within Regions

Of those drawings with buildings, 67 percent in the nonindustrialized region had corner windows compared to 86 percent of those in the industrialized region. Children less than eight years drew corner windows in 57% of their drawings, children eight to nine in 65%, childrenten-11 in 77%, and children 12-13 in 63% of their drawings. The majority of children in the nonindustrialized region schools visited lived on homesteads or kraals which consisted of several mud and grass circular huts surrounded by a stick fence meant to keep cattle away from the dwellings. A few homesteads in the nonindustrialized region were building one brick home on the kraal. Several children emphasized the importance of the new building by drawing it much larger in proportion to the huts. (See Table 9)

While there was no significant difference by age in the use of corner windows in the nonindustrialized region, there was in the industrialized region. Industrial children less than eight drew corner windows in 89 percent of their drawings, 8-9 (84%), 10-11 (77%), and 12-13 (77%): x2 (3, N = 297) = 8.40, p < .05.
 

Comparisons between Regions

Further analysis was done to examine age differences between regions in the depiction of corner windows. There was a significant difference between regions for most of the age groups. With the exception of the ten-11 year olds, corner windows were more common in the drawings done by children from the industrialized region than those by children from the nonindustrial region.

<8 years: x2 (1, N=156) = 24.08, p < .001.

8-9 years: x2 (1, N = 154) = 7.38, p < .01.

10-11 years: x2 (1, N =147) = .98, n.s.

12-13 years: x2 (1, N = 74) = 11.69, p < .001.

Discussion of Results – Corner Windows

Another local drawing convention examined was the depiction of corner windows. This is an interesting variable in that Andersson (1995b) also examined corner windows in his research, referring to them as cornered windows, and described them as a local convention in children's drawings. He found children in the two African settings, Tanzania, an ANC refugee settlement in Tanzania often drew windows in the corners of the houses even though in actuality houses were not made in that manner.

This author began the research believing that no buildings in Namibia actually had corner windows. Lydia Katjita, the Herero Namibian who served as the primary research assistant in gathering the drawings, corrected this misconception by telling about the use of corner windows in traditional homes in the area where she lived, Grootfontein. The homes in that area are usually constructed with four corner posts and mud or clay bricks between them. Windows need to be put in the corners for structural support. She also pointed out that corner windows could be seen in other parts of Namibia as well. Similar to Kaneda's (1994) study for non/less industrialized countries, the present study also found economic constraints has motivated people to move closer to the cities to look for work. Informal dwelling areas were quickly built with an assortment of materials including scrap tin or wood, cardboard, plastic, and mud or clay. In the informal dwelling areas of Katutura, Katjita pointed out a few homes with corner windows and speculated that the owners or builders of these homes came from parts of Namibia where corner windows were commonly used.

One reason for fewer corner windows in the nonindustrialized region might be that there were fewer rectangular homes; more typical were the round huts seen in the kraals or homesteads in the nonindustrialized regions. However, Andersson (1995b) speculated that when looking at a round hut from a certain angle, it might appear as if the window were in the corners. Less use of corner windows might also reflect the school designs; there were more stick-shed schools in the nonindustrial region with no windows compared to all concrete structure in the Industrialized region. Several children drew school buildings with corner windows even though this author never saw a school with corner windows. Some teachers reported giving instruction in how to draw buildings; in fact, one teacher taught her students how to draw schools about a week before the drawings were gathered for this study. Her instruction was reflected in the drawings done for this research as most of the school buildings were similar in appearance and included corner windows. At an art education workshop this author attended, one of the participants was a primary school classroom teacher and, when she given a choice of subject matter to draw, she drew a school building with corner windows. So, to speculate that several teachers may have taught their students to draw corner windows seems legitimate.

In some of the drawings with corner windows, the windows extend out beyond the corners of building edges, suggesting that they were open. Annalein Eins, director of the Namibia Art Gallery, reflected on the depiction of open windows. She asserted that many Namibians had a fascination with windows as it is often hot and the windows need to be open to get circulation of air in the buildings and to make the rooms cooler. She never saw window frames in some areas of the nonindustrialized regions before Namibia’s 1990 independence and speculated that children were proud to show the open windows.

Ruler Lines

Another aspect of local conventions was ruler use. The school children in both regions were eager to use rulers for making straight lines in their drawings.

Comparisons within Regions

Ruler use was more common in the nonindustrialized region than in the industrialized region, as a total of 42 percent of the children used them compared to 31 percent of the children in the industrialized region. The differences in use of ruler by age were significant for some age groups. In both regions, children less than eight were least likely to use rulers and then use generally increased with age. See Table 10.
 

The differences by age between regions were significant only for those children less than eight and for those in the eight to nine year age grouping. After those ages the use of rulers was quite similar for each of the age groups.

<8 years: x2 (1, N=250) = 6.02, p < .01.

8-9 years: x2 (1, N = 242) = 19.75, p < .001.

Discussion of Results - Ruler Lines

Helena Brandt, (1997) a Namibian born art educator at Windhoek International School, asserts that ruler lines are a part of the school culture in Namibia. Children were often instructed to use rulers for drawing straight lines. She speculates that if one were to gather drawings from children in their homes or outside of the school setting, they would be less likely to use rulers. In visiting the schools to gather drawings, this author told the children not to worry about straight lines and to put the rulers away. However several of the children resorted to using the sides of the crayon boxes to draw the straight lines even if they had to move the box a number of times to get the line long enough.

Children in both regions were more likely to use straight edges at ages eight and older, which reflects the theory that children learn to use rulers in school.
 
 

The major aim of this study was to compare children's artistic development and sources of imagery across cultures. Other aims were to learn more about the Namibian culture, values, and education from the drawings and to share our insights with school children and others interested in viewing the drawings as part of an exhibit.

The study narrowed its focus to the artistic developmental theories of Lowenfeld and Brittain (1987), which were normed with children in Western countries, to see if the theories held true for the Namibian settings. Aspects of their theories related to depth, base line, and clothing did apply for the industrial region of Namibia. Only the theories about depiction of clothing applied to children from the nonindustrialized region. The theory about figure schema did not apply to either region as there was not a clear pattern of figures schema or significant difference in use of figure schema by age for the Namibian children. Lowenfeld’s and Brittain’s findings about the direction figures face can also be questioned with regard to both Namibian regions. In general, theorists have found profile use to increase with age; in the nonindustrial region, the 12-13 year olds drew fewer profiles than the 10-11 years olds. The nonindustrial children also drew more profiles than did the children in the industrialized region, a practice that may be learned in the schools from teachers and from seeing the drawings of other students. For the nonindustrial region, the findings of Lowenfeld and Brittain related to color, depth, base line, sky line were also found to be contradicted. Both of the Namibian regions contradicted Lowenfeld and Brittain’s theories about patterns of color use. Children in the nonindustrial region did not use representational color very often. Color selection seemed to be based more on emotional appeal than on reality. The children in the industrial region used representational color more often than the nonindustrial children. As children aged they used more representational color, instead of the increase up to age nine and then decrease found by Lowenfeld and Brittain.

In looking at representation of space, specifically depth, Lowenfeld and Brittain found children’s ability to depict depth increases with age. This pattern was found in the drawings done by the children from the industrialized region but this was not the case in the nonindustrial region where children’s depiction of depth increased with age until age 11 and then decreased. Children seemed to be more concerned about design and decoration; depth was not given much emphasis. Other aspects of spatial representation examined in this study include the base line and sky line. Lowenfeld and Brittain found children use the single base line and sky line as space concepts most often during the schematic stage, ages seven to nine. Then children are likely to discontinue using these techniques and use overlap and multiple baselines instead. It was more common for children from the industrial region to include base lines in the same pattern found by Lowenfeld and Brittain. However, for sky lines, the patterns of use did not follow those cited by Lowenfeld and Brittain; in fact, there was not a clear pattern at all. Children from the nonindustrialized region rarely included base lines or sky lines. In speculating as to why not, it may be related to not seeing use of these techniques in other drawings and to their living conditions. Living in homesteads, the children may view their world from more of an open or circular perspective. They may see themselves as standing inside their homestead looking out into the world, rather than viewing their world from the linear perspective as depicted by base lines and sky lines included in the drawings done by children living in more industrialized environments.

For comparing sources of imagery, the local drawing conventions, or characteristic local forms of art, played a major role. Children’s depiction of subject matter, especially for buildings with windows and for profiled figures, was most likely influenced by instruction from the teacher, from seeing what other students drew, and for the children in the industrial region, from what they’ve seen in the media.

The third aim was to learn more about the culture and values of Namibia from the drawings. In general, the older children’s drawings revealed more about the culture and values of Namibia as their drawings were more detailed and complex. The complexity may also be related to the celebration theme assigned to the sixth graders, which was more open ended than the dwelling or schooling themes used by the younger children. The younger children’s drawings were harder to code because what they were intending to draw was not always clear. Sometimes a more advanced or clear drawing in a group of drawings done by a class helped determine the subject matter. For example several drawings using the school theme depicted children playing a unusual game. Finally one drawing made clear that it was a jump rope game unique to Namibia that the chief investigator had observed a number of times while visiting the schools. The writing on the backs of the drawings also helped determine the subject matter of the drawings and shed light on the analysis.

Namibia gained its’ independence from South Africa in 1990. Many children portrayed pride in their country by drawing the Namibian flag in their drawings. Several of the first and second graders drew a flag flying above their houses for the where I live theme. Even more third and fourth graders displayed a flag on the school grounds for the school and learning theme. Sixth graders were asked to draw a picture depicting how they had fun or celebrated. Namibian Independence Day was a common subject illustrated with fireworks, the Namibian flag, and more.

Area school children and Concordia students did learn more about Namibia from this project in the follow-up activities.

Fifty of the drawings, representative of each age and region, were framed and exhibited in the Cyrus M. Running Gallery, Bridge January 12-February 19, 1999. Students in Art 201, Teaching Art in the Elementary Schools, were given instruction about the developmental stage theories of Lowenfeld and Brittain and then taken through the exhibit to compare aspects of the theories with the Namibian drawings. The Art 201 students also guided several groups of first and second grade students from the Moorhead Public Schools through the exhibit and a lesson developed by the co-inquirers. The elementary students were asked to complete and bring a drawing based on the same theme used by the Namibian children of the same grade level. The lesson helped the children make comparisons between their drawings and those in the exhibit. The drawings done by the local school children were compiled in booklets and left in the gallery for viewers to browse. The Art 201 students were also required to attend the Centennial Scholars presentation featuring this research on January 26, 1999, and then wrote a reflection on what they learned about children, art education, and Namibia. Comments included:

In future semesters the students in Art 201 will still be presented with Lowenfeld’s and Brittain’s theories and the finding of this research. They will be asked to compare the drawings done by children in the local schools with those of the Namibian children.

Developmental stage theories are meant to be guides, used in a non-restrictive manner. The theories give the future teacher a general idea of what to expect from the students in a given classroom. If aspects of a child’s drawings are reflective of a different stage then what is typical for a child of that age, the teacher should assess other aspects of the child’s work and then determine how to enrich and encourage the child’s development. However, all children may not move through the stages in the same manner and aspects of the theories may not apply to all children and settings, as found in this study. The various backgrounds of the children and the specific contexts in which the drawings are done must be considered. In addition to age-related cognitive developmental stages, the sociocultural aspects of the context must be taken into account. The increasing multicultural diversity in schools in the USA requires teachers and those who develop curricula to be sensitive to cultural differences within our country as well as between countries.

Further analysis and reflection needs to be done on the drawings gathered for this study. The author is interested in applying more qualitative methods towards analyzing the drawings. There is enough data to consider for years to come.

I wish to thank Concordia College for its strong and broad faculty development program. In 1993 I was one of 12 faculty who participated in a three-week travel seminar to South Africa and Namibia. Contacts made during that trip planted the seeds for this research. The opportunity to engage in scholarly activity and to work closely with two highly competent and motivated students as part of the Centennial Scholars Program has been another highlight of my eleven years of teaching here. I am also grateful to the Fulbright Scholars Program for the opportunity to teach and do research in Namibia during my 1996-97 sabbatical year.

Many colleagues and staff at Concordia College helped with various aspects of this project. Special thanks go to Dr. Mark Krejci who has graciously helped with the statistical aspects as this research continues.
 
 

Code Book Based on Lowenfeld Theories
 
 

INDEPENDENT VARIABLES

A Variable 1 Theme 1= Where I Live 2=Food 3=School 4=Healthy 5=Work 6=Fun 99=Missing

B Variable 2 Age 99=missing

C Variable 3 Gender 1=Male 2=Female 99=missing

D Variable 4 Grade 99=missing

E Variable 5 School (see attached page) 99=missing

F Variable 6 Region 1=Owamboland 2=Industrialized Namibia 99=missing
 
 

DEPENDENT VARIABLES

Human Figures

G Variable 7 Person included 1=yes 2=no

H Variable 8 Type of human figure 1= Head-feet

2 = Head-feet-arms

3 =Head-torso-legs

or head-torso-arms

4 = Full figure with stick limbs

5 = Full figure, both arms and legs show volume 6 = Less than total figure 7 = Full figure with sexual characteristics 99= NA (no figure included)

I Variable 9 Figure includes facial features 1=yes 2=no 99=NA

(credit given even in profile feature)
 
 

J Variable 10 Distinction between males and females based on hair and clothing

1 = yes 2 = no 99=NA

Clothing must be considered for distinction to be made.

(NA if only one figure or

two or more of same sex figures drawn with same style clothes, ie soccer team)

K Variable 11 If more than one figure is drawn, what is the schema used?

1 = total figure, mostly the same,

(doesn’t have to perfect schema)

2 = face/head schema (hair need not be identical) 3 = body schema

4 = More than one schema ie. standing, running Ch/adult & students/children, male & female

5 = No schema

99 = NA

L Variable 12 Figures face viewer 1 = head and body

2 = body faces viewer, head is profile (Local Con)

(look at shoulders) 3 = body is profile, head faces viewer

4 = figure does not face viewer 5 = Combination

99 = NA (no figure or one can’t tell if figures face viewer because there are no facial features or hair)

M Variable 13 Hair included 1=yes 2=no 99 = NA

N Variable 14 Clothes 1= Obvious clothes with no/little decoration, ie clothes are colored in with single color for one clothing item, there is a break between clothes and limbs) 2 = no clothes

(one can’t tell if there are clothes, ie just a rectangle torso)

3 = decoration on clothes

(ie. one piece of clothing is colored with 2 or more different colors, buttons, belts, or other design in included in clothes, different color shirt under uniform jumper) 99 = NA

O Variable 15 Figure shows action 1 = No action

(don’t include stiff figure on horseback)

2 = Holding something in hand(s), pointing to something with hand

3 = Moving/motion (must be visually obvious)

sitting does not count

4 = Combination (holding something and moving)

99 =NA (no figures)

P Variable 16 Limbs on figures 1 = Only stiff limbs 2 = Some rubber limbs

3 =Some limbs with joints 99 = NA (no figures)

Q Variable 17 Drawn interaction between figures (1 figure drawn) 1=yes 2 =no 99 =NA

(eg. characters facing each other, kids dancing or playing together,

Don’t count holding hands and facing viewer)

R Variable 18 Different emotions are conveyed through facial expressions (1 figure drawn)

Base decision mainly on mouth 1=yes 2=no

99 = NA (no figure or only one figure has facial expression)
 
 

S Variable 19 Sketched figures or objects 1=yes 2=no 99 = NA

(look for broken line)

T Variable 20 Cartoon figures 1=yes 2=no 99 = NA

U Variable 21 Satire 1=yes 2=no 99 = NA

Representation of Space

V Variable 22 Paper turned at least 90 turn while drawing 1=yes 2=no

W Variable 23 Majority of relatively realistic proportions 1=yes 2=no

(ie if only one larger building don’t give a 1)

X Variable 24 Objects distorted to fit space 1=yes 2=no

Y Variable 25 Base line 1= 1 or and majority of objects on base line

(give credit if objects are in a straight invisible line

base line can be bottom of paper)

2=no base line

99= NA only one object shown

Z Variable 26 Sky line 1=sky line (includes clouds in a row)

2=no sky

3=sky meets horizon

4=other (just a sun, random clouds)

AA Variable 27 Perspective 1=2D 2=combo 2-3 & 3D

3= 3D 4= 3D with horizon line

AB Variable 28 Overlapping 1=some 2=No/Little

(NO-Little = fruit on trees, food on plates, hands folded)

figures swimming or playing soccer on a field don’t count)

AC Variable 29 More than one perspective 1=yes 2=no

(bird’s eye, normal, worm’s eye)

AD Variable 30 X-ray/transparency 1=yes 2=no

(objects shown normally behind an opaque surface)

(figure or object within four walls is considered xray)

AE Variable 31 Environment symbolized 1=yes 2=no

(clouds, sun, trees, birds, flowers outside)

AF Variable 32 Interaction between objects 1=yes 2=no 99=NA

(eg.person with dog on leash, child playing drum)

AG Variable 33 Depth shown by intentionally varying object size 1=yes 2=no

(figure or objects in back is are smaller than similar object in foreground)

Color and Design

AH Variable 34 Representational color

1=almost ALL objects have representational color

analogous color is ok if everything else is realistic, ie orange building

2=some objects are representational in color and some are not

(ie yellow sun, green grass, rainbow colored roof

3= none/very little representational color

AI Variable 35 Design/decoration on non-human subject matter 1=yes 2=no/very little

(extras, flourishes, eg. borders, hearts, texture, lots of color change for similar objects- ie each hut or person colored with different color )

AJ Variable 36 Schemas for non-human objects 1=yes 2=no 99=NA

no objects

(fruit tree, cars, pick-ups, flowers, animals, clouds, houses,

schools/classrooms) (Corner windows do not count)
 
 

Non-Lowenfeld Local Drawing Conventions

AK Variable 37 If windows on a building they are corner windows 1=yes 2=no 99=NA

AL Variable 38 If building has corner windows they are open 1=yes 2-no 99=NA

AM Variable 39 Ruler used 1=yes 2=no

AN Variable 40 Stylized tree with roots and extending branches 1=yes 2=no 99=NA

Andersson, S.B. (1995a). Social scaling in children’s family drawings: a comparative study in three cultures. Child Study Journal, 25 (2) 97-121.

Miljkovitch, M. (1979, March). Development of the representation of space in normal children: The drawing of a village. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Society for Personality Assessment, Scottsdale, AZ.

Ministry of Education and Culture, (1996). Toward education for all: A development brief for education, culture, and training. Windhoek, Namibia: Gamsberg, Macmillan.

Mtota, E. (1997) National frameworks; local development: The new arts curriculum in Namibia. Proceedings of the Ministry of Basic Basic Education an Culture International Curriculum Conference, 1997.

Newton, C. & Kantner L. (1997). Cross-cultural research in aesthetic development: a review. Child development in art. Reston, VA: National Art Education Association.

Vygotsky, L.S. (1978). Mind in society: The development of higher psychological processes. Cambridge: University Press.

Wilson, B. & Wilson, M. (1977). An iconoclastic view of the imagery sources in the drawings of young people. Art Education , 30, 5-11.

Wilson, B. (1997). Child art, multiple interpretations, and conflicts of interest. In A. M. Kindler (Ed.), Child development in art (pp. 1-8). Reston, VA: National Art Education Association.

Wilson, B. & Wilson, M. (1979). Figure structure, figure action, and framing in drawings by American and Egyptian children. Studies in Art Education, 21 (1), 36-43.